This year, during the Ventotene seminar, which annually brings together 150 young people from Europe and around the world to the island for training and debate on European and global federalism, something unique happened. Amid hail, wind, and rain, during a “perfect storm” on Thursday, September 5th, on the terrace of a bar tucked away in the narrow streets of the small island, the JEF and GFE organized a meeting between two peace activists: Ahmad L(1), a Palestinian from Ramallah, and Dvir, an Israeli-Dutch citizen living in Germany.
It is interesting and moving to trace a “genealogy,” as Foucault teaches us, of federalism: not a chronological chain of theories and practices, but a common sentiment that, at certain moments in history and in certain parts of the world, has emerged as a response to conflicts, crises, and a painful past and present. Genealogy reconstructs the intermittent flashes of the past without arranging them in a linear, consequent, or definitive way. This is why it serves as the perfect lens to reconstruct the coexistence of shared horizons of thought and action in the world.
We can trace various forms of federalism around the world, from South America to Kurdistan, from the United States to India or Japan, that have shaped and continue to shape constellations, sometimes unconsciously: voices that sing together in “polyphony,” even though they may have never met. Different perspectives, inequalities, and sufferings that have pointed to the same idea of the future, of struggle, of hope. European federalism has its own historical specificity, emerging as a concrete political project and as a movement during the Resistance, but the history of its thought has a much longer course. Similarly, other forms of federalism have arisen within other Resistance movements, blossoming from different historical and social paths.
All of this is fascinating because it suggests the existence of a community of destiny that is not only projected toward the future but also radiates around us. It is not a deterministic vision of humanity’s path, which we know to be uncertain and unpredictable, but rather the possibility that the history of the world might ultimately be a shared history, capable of crossing and sometimes transcending our national, linguistic, and geographical identities. It is a deeper force that can fuel a small but significant hope: the hope of building a better world, founded on coexistence and peace for all.
Tell us something about yourself. How did you become a federalist?
Dvir: I am Dvir, Israeli-Dutch 27, a lawyer, PhD Student in Goethe University Frankfurt, peace activist, federalist, editor in Chief of TNF (JEF Europe Online Magazine) and some other unimportant titles. In the end, I am a human being and that’s what matters, isn’t it?
I was born near Tel Aviv to a family with mostly European heritage (hence my double citizenship). Since the age of 13 I started joining peace and anti occupation demonstrations across Israel, working with political parties and local peace initiatives (such as Peace Now, Gush Shalom, One Land Two People, Free Jerusalem, and Wahad al Ehad) to facilitate Israeli-Palestinian dialogue, as the only way for peace. After moving to Europe at the age of 22, I remained involved in the peace movement, joining demonstrations when being in Israel and also supporting it from abroad.
I think that conceptually, I was always a federalist. Free trade and open borders have attracted me since a young age. When visiting Europe as a child with my parents, I was fascinated with European open borders while noting how in the Middle East it can take 10 hours to cross a border. I also understood how this openness contributed to pan-European understanding after the horrors of the Second World War, providing an alternative to the nationalist world order.
But only after moving to Belgium for a job 5 years ago, I understood what it really means. Living in Brussels, I quickly joined JEF Belgium, first as a member, then a board member, and finally as policy officer and delegate to JEF Europe FC. As someone who was always interested in policy, writing, and exploring ideologies, federalism is a continuing journey. As Editor in Chief of The New Federalist I aim to offer a platform to young federalists from Europe and the entire world to exchange opinions and perspectives. And I am of course thankful for all the opportunities I am receiving to learn more (most recently in the Ventotene International Seminar) and develop as an activist and a federalist.
Ahmad L.: I used to believe in boycotting Israeli food products in West Bank even before BDS became popular. Later on I started arguing with Israelis about the occupation, then discovered that some of them want peace and a just solution, at the same time I was able to visit the beach in Jaffa for the first time and encountered Palestinians who have israeli citizenship, thinking coexistence is possible so why don’t we all live together… it would also realize all Palestinian aspirations. Later on in my journey of deep discussions and political reflections, it became apparent that Israeli jews will never collectively agree to a one-state due to fears of demographic imbalances in future, because to them it defies the purpose of having a state and self-determination. We Palestinians also need a state, self-determination and liberation, but we cannot afford a complete divorce from the rest of the country in case of the establishment of a Palestinian state.
Consequently, I ran into Palestinian and Israeli federalists who have a different but more practical vision for a lasting solution than the one-state, which is a Palestinian-Israeli confederation/federation that would consider all the aforementioned problems. It is also more rational as it’s based on the Oslo Accords.
Why is federalism relevant to the current situation in Palestine and Israel?
Dvir: Between 1967 and 1993, despite the horrible impact of the Israeli occupation, communication between Israelis and Palestinians was common. Israelis and Palestinians often travelled to meet each other, trade with each other, and work with each other. Tel Aviv was open to Palestinians and Ramallah to Israelis. The Oslo Accords of 1993, while well intentioned, changed all of that. Rather than engaging in deep dialogue to solve disputed issues and conflicting narratives, the agreements, aimed to function as an interim agreement due to deteriorating security situation, have in effect instituted a permanent separation of Israelis and Palestinians.
Now, the people mostly meet each other in military checkpoints, or under very right controls. Direct dialogue has all but vanished, and the occupation and settlements continue unhindered. True peace is not separation. The people are too intertwined to be separate and divided into categories, and the traditional two state solution should be modified into a framework of open borders, security for all, and equal political rights, or in other words confederative or federative solutions.
Ahmad L.: It’s relevant because federalism is the only guarantee for a lasting peace. We desperately need a solution and a structure that would consider the national aspirations of both nations, Palestinians and Israelis. Jerusalem is holy for both and neither are abandoning it, the refugees need a viable solution, and on top of all; we’re on the verge of creating a Palestinian state as international recognition grows. Such a state can only thrive best in a confederation/federation with Israel and other nearby countries if they wish.
Can you share something about your efforts to build networks of Israeli and Palestinian activists?
Dvir: A very difficult task. It is easy for die-hard peace activists to meet together and get along, but attempts to develop a broader movement often run into practical ideological difficulties. Practically it is very hard to meet so meetings either happen in the tiny “Area C” in the West Bank (under mixed Palestinian-Israeli control) or in Europe. But even when meetings do happen, it is hard for people raised on differing and conflicting historical narratives to understand each other.
I recall meeting with Palestinians for a two weeks dialogue camp in the tiny village of Walberberg in Germany. Throughout the camp, we didn’t sit together for our meals, remaining voluntarily segregated. The hard emotions and even fights during the sessions were very hard to bear, but I also recall that in the last breakfast, we all mixed. Achieving understanding even if not full common ground.
Today, thousands of activists remain committed to the cause and keep educating for peace despite the challenges and societal resistance. Initiatives such as bilingual schools, mixed villages, dialogue sessions and economic and cultural cooperation still persist. While no longer being in Israel due to personal and professional reasons, I remain committed and regularly organise Jewish-Muslim engagements in my current home city (Frankfurt).
Ahmad L.: We work on two levels: top-down and bottom-up, where in the former we meet with policymakers and present our ideas and community to them to help create future consensus/approval. We also work with grassroots to build a federal movement in both societies, Palestinian and Israeli, to strengthen our federalists and create momentum in order to make a federation a reality one day. We also hold conflict transformation workshops and we have a youth programme in the plans. Additionally, inspired by Ventotene 40th Seminar, we realise that replicating it in Palestine and Israel would bring about more support and momentum for our movement.
How can CSOs in Europe contribute?
Dvir: They can choose to engage with moderate and sane voices from both sides. The session in the Ventotene International Seminar by JEF Italy and JEF Europe was inspiring for me and I was honoured to discuss the conflict next to my friend Palestinian activist Ahmad L..
They can also demonstrate commitment to human rights by supporting principled positions, for example – calling for an end to the war and Israel’s illegal occupation in the West Bank while also condemning the killing of civilians on October 7.
Federalist CSOs have a special role because the conflict demonstrates our argument – without effective regional and international governance, there will be no security, and violent conflicts and injustices will only continue to fester.
Ahmad L.: Europe and Palestine share a lot of history and influence together and Europe is the best and closest federalist power/union example for us to look up to. The EU also has the biggest influence on the PA and the most committed donor/supporter to our people and government in WB and Gaza. CSOs and grassroots in Europe in particular have so much to offer to Palestinian federalists: we crucially need European (cultural and political) engagement to motivate us to keep going (especially the youth), we need funding for workshops and events, we need cooperation to create workshops and seminars to inspire us – it’s also mutual. Palestinian federalists, most being peace activists who struggle in such a crazy environment, would also inspire Europeans. European CSOs not only can help Palestinian federalists, but also Israelis (federalists and peace activists) who would value more cooperation and encouragement from their European counterparts in order to streamline the movement with the Palestinian equivalent. Nowadays only Americans mediate between Israelis and Palestinians for peacebuilding and for dialogue, Europeans can join in as well.
Leave a message for the future!
Dvir: One day, I hope to be able to visit the house of my grandfather in Baghdad, Iraq. Iraq, a formerly prosperous country, is currently unsafe and illegal for me to visit, but I am optimistic that in my lifetime, and with the help of young activists, we can bring peace and human rights to the Middle East and the whole world. It is only up to us!
Ahmad L.: Impossible is nothing!! We can do so much together especially in the most challenging time Europe and Palestine and the entire world is going through since WWII. Let’s build new bridges and innovate for the future we want to see.
The last two questions posed to Dvir and Ahmad L. formed the foundation of the work that JEF has carried out to establish a position on the unfolding events in the Middle East.
The first necessity was to initiate a dialogue through a series of open meetings to share impressions, feelings, and opinions. The process then continued within the framework of the JEF Political Commission on foreign policy (“PC3”). The goal was to reach a political resolution that would summarize a unified stance of the young European federalists, despite the diverse ideas, backgrounds, and personal experiences involved. Although federalist activists are naturally accustomed to this kind of exercise, it quickly became clear how difficult this challenge was in this particular case.
For months, European and global public opinion has been polarised, making the debate increasingly ideological. Meanwhile, the tragic consequences of the conflict have left their mark on the world, with a horrifying toll of victims and growing antisemitic and Islamophobic attacks. In light of this awareness, JEF shaped its work by paying particular attention to the method, guided by a central question: what is and what should be the role of a movement like ours in this conflict?
The numerous training and debate sessions first addressed the challenge of a necessary decolonization of thought, being mindful of the problems represented by a Eurocentric approach. For this reason, local experts and activists, including Dvir and Ahmad L., were involved in every phase of the process. The conviction of the importance of achieving a result was a key factor. Every issue was addressed with the aim of always converging on common opinions. When convergence was not possible, the process was revisited, questioning whether the original question had been well posed and, if necessary, further breaking down the problem. The entire process is based on a fundamental premise: citizens and civil society around the world can and must build independent actions and pathways against the aberrations of their governments and as an alternative to the solutions proposed by radicalized organizations.
Thanks to this effort, in April 2024 in Tartu, the JEF Federal Committee approved the resolution “JEF Europe’s Position on the Future of the Israeli–Palestinian Peace Process” with only a few votes against and abstentions. Among the key points, the resolution:
● Calls for an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages, and the resumption of humanitarian aid in the Gaza Strip.
● Supports compliance with the decisions of the International Court of Justice and condemns violations of international humanitarian law.
● Strongly condemns ongoing Israeli military offensive in Gaza, criticising the high civilian casualties, particularly in refugee camps, hospitals, and schools. The resolution calls for investigations into breaches of the Geneva Conventions by the Israeli Defense Forces.
● Calls on Israel to stop illegal settlements in occupied Palestinian territories and combat settler violence.
● Strongly condemns the October 7th attacks carried out by Hamas, which led to the deaths of 1,200 people and the abduction of over 100 Israeli citizens. It highlights Hamas’ use of civilians as human shields and condemns the group for violating international law.
● Supports initiatives that respect both nations’ right to exist, including innovative approaches like a binational confederation or an Israeli-Palestinian federation.
● Encourages the EU to play an active role in post-war reconstruction, promoting peace, justice, human rights, and the revival of the peace process advocating for multilateral efforts to rebuild the region and ensure the protection of civilians.
One particularly relevant aspect stands out: the analysis of the present context is more divisive than the proposals for future action. This resolution has given JEF a clear mission: to push for a depolarization of the debate, creating the conditions for a dialogue that includes civil society on both sides and leaves room for innovative ideas for conflict resolution, including federalist approaches, as long as they reflect the will of the people involved.
The experience of Ventotene and the encounter with the lives of Dvir and Ahmad L. represent those moments that make one reflect on the power of ideas as the driving force of history: two peace activists from territories torn apart by war provided the same answer that Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi arrived at in 1941, when Europe was in flames. This continuity of thought, even across such different times and geographical contexts, perhaps represents the greatest strength of the federalist message. Dvir and Ahmad L. teach us that even in the darkest times, when the violence of nationalism seems to prevail, the construction of peace remains our goal to free humanity from the oppression of war.
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